United Kingdom: Violence Against Women and Girls
Ten years of strategy. One word the government finally used. A toll that has barely moved.

UK
In March 2026, Minister Jess Philips stood in the House of Commons and read 100 names. Each belonged to a woman killed by a man, or where a man is the suspect, in the previous year. It was the eleventh year she had done this. Karen Ingala Smith, who co-founded the Femicide Census and counts these deaths when no government agency reliably does, noted something specific about the list: nineteen of the women were killed by their own sons. Almost one in five.
A few months earlier, in December 2025, the UK government published its first violence against women and girls strategy to use the word “femicide.” Three times. It was, by most measures, an overdue acknowledgment of language the women’s sector had used for years.
This page traces what changed in UK policy between 2016 and 2026, what the current data says about who is dying and who is surviving, and where the gap between strategy and outcome still sits.
RYB’s place in this picture
RYB does not run frontline services and does not duplicate the expert casework of EVAW, the Femicide Census, or Women’s Aid. Our role is to hold the policy record steady — to show, country by country and city by city, what governments promised, what they delivered, and what the data says happened in between. This page sits alongside our Culture Women’s Day UK profile, which traces the suffrage history behind UK women’s political voice, and our Gender Gap UK page, which covers the economic and structural inequalities that VAWG both reflects and reinforces.
The Scale, in Current Numbers
Key figures
75 women
were killed in domestic homicides in England and Wales in the year ending March 2025, out of 111 total domestic homicide victims (ONS, 2026)
110–122 women
a year have been killed by men in the UK in every year the Femicide Census has measured since 2009 — the rate has not meaningfully declined in over fifteen years
1 in 12 women
in England and Wales are now affected by violence against women and girls offences, according to the National Audit Office’s January 2025 review
79% of women
think the government should be doing more to tackle VAWG (EVAW/YouGov, March 2025)
These four numbers, read together, are the story. Reported VAWG crime has risen. Public concern has risen. Government strategies have multiplied. And the number of women killed has stayed almost flat for a decade and a half.
The Femicide Census — an independent project that has tracked femicide in the UK since 2009, because no state body did — puts it plainly: the rate of men’s fatal violence against women has hovered between 124 and 168 deaths a year since monitoring began, with no tangible decline. Around 62% of these women are killed by a current or former partner. At least 40% of those had already left him, or were in the process of leaving.
Non-fatal strangulation tells a related story. It became a standalone criminal offence in England and Wales only in 2022, under the Domestic Abuse Act 2021. Yet Femicide Census analysis of Domestic Homicide Reviews found that 59% of women later killed by strangulation had experienced non-fatal strangulation beforehand — a warning sign that, for most of the period this page covers, the legal system had no specific name for and no specific charge against.
National Policy: Four Strategies in a Decade
The UK government has now published or committed to five national VAWG strategies since 2010. Each one tells you something about what the previous one failed to fix.
2016 — Ending Violence against Women and Girls Strategy. David Cameron’s government’s plan ran to 2020 and centred on funding a “bedrock” of frontline services and improving how agencies identified abuse. It was refreshed in 2019 under Theresa May with an update on progress, but it predated the language — and much of the legal architecture — that followed.
2021 — Tackling Violence Against Women and Girls Strategy. This is the strategy our previous page was built around, and it has a specific, painful origin: it followed the rape and murder of Sarah Everard in March 2021, after which the Home Office reopened its public call for evidence and received 160,000 further responses in two weeks. The strategy set three ambitions — more support for victims, more perpetrators brought to justice, less prevalence overall — and ran alongside the Domestic Abuse Act 2021, which created the Domestic Abuse Commissioner role and the non-fatal strangulation offence.
2022 — Tackling Domestic Abuse Plan. A companion strategy under Boris Johnson’s government, built on four pillars: prevention, support, pursuing perpetrators, and a “stronger system.” It ran alongside the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022.
The verdict on 2021–24. In January 2025, the National Audit Office delivered its assessment, and it was not kind. As of July 2024, the Home Office had implemented only 78% of the 2021 strategy’s commitments — short of its own target, with an average underspend of 15% across the strategy’s first three years. The NAO’s central finding was structural: the Home Office had “struggled to get buy-in” from other government departments, had a poor understanding of what actually works to prevent VAWG, and had applied “little evidence” of learning from the strategies before it. One in twelve women in England and Wales, the report noted, were now affected by VAWG offences.
2025 — the Labour government’s strategy. Published 18 December 2025, this is the first VAWG strategy from a government that came to office on an explicit manifesto pledge: halve violence against women and girls within a decade. It is also the first UK strategy to use the word femicide. EVAW’s verdict, on balance, was cautious welcome. They praised the prevention focus — a multi-year public communications campaign, £20 million for schools-based prevention, behaviour-change programmes — while noting the £3 million teacher-training pilot “will barely touch the surface” of what is needed. They welcomed £550 million in multi-year victims’ funding from the Ministry of Justice and the rollout of specialist Rape and Serious Sexual Offence units in every police force, while flagging that those units may not be fully operational until 2029. They raised sharper concerns about a strategy that bans “nudification” apps but leaves Ofcom’s online-safety guidance for tech platforms voluntary rather than mandatory, and about firewall protections for migrant survivors that fell short of what specialist by-and-for organisations had asked for.
The pattern across four strategies and fourteen years is consistent: each one diagnoses gaps the last one left open, each one is broadly welcomed in its stated ambition, and each one is judged — often by independent auditors, not critics — to have underdelivered against its own targets. Whether the 2025 strategy breaks that pattern is, as of mid-2026, still an open question; its first independent progress review is not yet due.
City and Devolved Policy: Where the Detail Lives
National strategy sets direction. The detail — funding levels, what gets measured, which services survive — plays out at city and devolved-nation level.
London. The capital was the first major city in the world to launch a comprehensive VAWG strategy, under Boris Johnson as Mayor. Since then it has run three successive iterations: 2018–2021, a refreshed strategy launched in June 2022 covering 2022–2025, and a fourth strategy — covering 2025–2029 — currently in consultation as of this writing. The throughline across all three has been funding: £6 million invested in the Mayor’s VAWG Grassroots Fund since 2020, supporting 41 grassroots organisations across London, three-quarters of them led by women of colour. The data driving the next iteration is sobering: police-recorded VAWG crime rose 37% across London between 2018 and 2023, and in 2024 alone the city recorded 87,526 domestic abuse offences and 27,596 sexual offences — each up year-on-year. The 2025–29 plan commits to a “public health approach” to changing the behaviour of men and boys, alongside continued specialist funding and a women’s safety audit trial on public transport launched in five boroughs in 2024.
Wales. Wales took a different legislative route entirely. The Violence Against Women, Domestic Abuse and Sexual Violence (Wales) Act 2015 was the first UK legislation to put “violence against women” in its title, rather than folding it into the broader category of domestic violence — a deliberate naming choice with real consequence: it placed statutory duties on local authorities and health boards to publish and act on local strategies, not just a national one. The current Welsh Government strategy, 2022–2026, sets an explicit national ambition — “make Wales the safest place to be a woman” — and is now in its final year. The 2026–27 national advisers’ annual plan reports rising demand across Welsh specialist services and puts the annual cost of domestic abuse alone in Wales at £66 billion across the UK context it draws on.
Scotland. Scotland’s approach, Equally Safe, dates to 2014 and was refreshed in 2023. It is run jointly by the Scottish Government and COSLA (the umbrella body for Scottish local government), with a cross-government delivery network meeting quarterly. Its current priorities centre on early intervention and maximising safety and wellbeing for women, children, and young people — a framing that, notably, treats prevention and survivor safety as inseparable rather than sequential.
What the city and devolved comparison shows is this: London’s model is strategy-by-strategy iteration with rising specialist funding; Wales’s model is statutory duty backed by legislation; Scotland’s model is cross-government partnership. None has yet produced a measurable, sustained fall in the number of women killed.
Femicide: The Word, the Data, the Gap
For most of the period this page covers, there was no legal definition of femicide in UK law, and no government body that counted it as its own category. The European Institute for Gender Equality’s 2021 factsheet on the UK noted plainly: femicide killings were absorbed into general homicide statistics, with the gender-related motivation rarely recorded in any standardised way.
The Femicide Census exists specifically to close that gap. Run independently since 2009, it has documented at least 2,000 women killed by men in the UK between 2014 and the mid-2020s — a woman killed, on average, once every three days. Strangulation featured in 27% of those killings. Of women killed by a former partner, 38% were killed within the first month of separation and 89% within the first year — the single clearest data point in UK femicide research, and the reason risk assessment after separation, not just during a relationship, has become a frontline priority.
The December 2025 strategy’s use of the word “femicide” — three times, by EVAW’s count — is a small linguistic shift with a larger implication: if the government starts naming the pattern, it becomes harder for future strategies to treat each killing as an isolated incident rather than a recognisable, repeating one.
Rotherham: The Scandal That Changed What “Failure” Means
No single place has shaped UK child sexual exploitation policy more than Rotherham, and the case is, as of mid-2026, still actively producing news rather than sitting closed in the historical record.
What happened. Between 1997 and 2013, an estimated 1,400 children — overwhelmingly girls, many already known to social services — were sexually exploited in the South Yorkshire town. Professor Alexis Jay’s 2014 independent inquiry found that police and council officials had received clear warnings as early as 2002 and repeatedly failed to act on them, in part out of fear of being labelled racist given that most convicted perpetrators were of Pakistani heritage while most victims were white British girls. The Jay Report was explicit that this fear had no basis in evidence from frontline social work practice, and that nationally, group-based exploitation offenders are most commonly white men — a finding a 2020 Home Office review confirmed. Rotherham’s council was disbanded by central government in 2015 following a further report by Louise Casey; the chief executive, the director of children’s services, and the police and crime commissioner for South Yorkshire all resigned.
The investigation is still running. Operation Stovewood, the National Crime Agency’s investigation into the original Rotherham cases, is the largest law enforcement operation into non-familial child sexual exploitation in UK history. It has identified around 1,150 potential victims and led to more than 220 arrests. As of February 2026 it passed its 50th conviction — a man jailed for 20 years for raping a child and a young woman in the 2000s. From January 2024, new Rotherham allegations transferred from the NCA to South Yorkshire Police directly, but Stovewood continues working through cases it had already opened.
Rotherham became the catalyst for a national reckoning. In June 2025, Baroness Louise Casey published a National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse, commissioned in response to pressure that built across 2024 and early 2025. The audit found that the ethnicity of perpetrators had historically been “shied away from” by the authorities meant to investigate it, and made twelve recommendations, all of which the government accepted in full. Its second recommendation called for a targeted, time-limited statutory inquiry into local failures.
That recommendation became the Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs, announced to Parliament by Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood on 9 December 2025 — the same week the national VAWG strategy was published. Baroness Anne Longfield, the former Children’s Commissioner for England, chairs it, alongside panellists Zoë Billingham and Eleanor Kelly. Final terms of reference were agreed and published on 31 March 2026, and the inquiry formally began work on 13 April 2026. It covers England and Wales, must report by 31 March 2029, and runs on a £65 million budget. Its remit explicitly requires it to examine what role ethnicity, religion, and culture played in both the offending itself and in institutional responses to it — a direct response to Casey’s finding that this question had been avoided rather than answered. Scotland is running a parallel, separate inquiry into group-based child sexual abuse, chaired by Professor Alexis Jay — the same Jay who led the original Rotherham inquiry over a decade earlier.
A linked national policing operation is reopening old cases now. Operation Beaconport, led by the National Crime Agency with £38 million in funding this year, asked every police force in England and Wales to review fifteen years of records — January 2010 to March 2025 — for group-based exploitation cases that were closed without a viable line of inquiry being pursued. By November 2025, more than 1,200 investigations from 23 forces had been referred in; by June 2026, the first tranche of cases — from eight police force areas — had been sent back for reinvestigation, and the data review had already surfaced new suspected offending in four previously undisclosed counties. More than 800 police officers have been trained in trauma-informed, victim-centred investigation as part of the operation.
Why this belongs on a VAWG page, not only a child-protection page. Group-based child sexual exploitation is gender-based violence: the overwhelming majority of victims in Rotherham and in every comparable case since — Rochdale, Oxford, Telford, Derby, Calderdale — have been girls and young women, exploited by adult men using control, coercion, and violence. The Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs sits structurally beside the National VAWG Strategy as a second, parallel reckoning with the same underlying failure: institutions that knew, or should have known, and did not act in time.
What the Sector Is Watching Now
As of mid-2026, several threads from the 2025 strategy remain unresolved and are worth tracking on this page as they develop:
- The Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs must publish a joint Memorandum of Understanding with Operation Beaconport by 13 October 2026, governing how the statutory inquiry and live police investigations share evidence without compromising either. Baroness Longfield has confirmed Oldham will get a local investigation; other areas, possibly including Rotherham again, are still being decided.
- Ofcom’s VAWG guidance for tech platforms remains voluntary. EVAW and over sixty partner organisations have campaigned to make it a mandatory Code of Practice; the strategy did not concede this point.
- RASSO (Rape and Serious Sexual Offence) units are committed in every police force in England and Wales, but full rollout is not expected before 2029.
- Migrant survivor protections — specifically, a firewall preventing survivor data from being shared with immigration enforcement — were requested by specialist by-and-for organisations and were not fully delivered in the strategy as published.
- Online and AI-enabled abuse is an active legal frontier: in June 2026, MP Jess Asato launched legal action against the AI company xAI, backed by EVAW and more than 100 organisations, over the platform’s handling of abuse targeting women.
Looking Forward
The next genuine test of UK policy on violence against women is not another strategy document — the country has had five since 2010. It is whether the December 2025 strategy’s funding commitments survive contact with implementation, in the way the 2021 strategy’s did not. The National Audit Office’s 78% implementation rate and 15% average underspend on the previous strategy is the number every future government press release on this topic should be read against.
For RYB, this page will track that implementation across each annual cycle: London’s 2025–29 strategy once finalised, Wales’s successor to its 2022–26 plan, Scotland’s next Equally Safe delivery report, the first independent review of the national 2025 strategy when it is published, and the early findings of the Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs as its local investigations and national accountability hearings begin to report. Femicide Census data is updated annually each March, around the Parliamentary reading of names; this page will update alongside it.
Sources
- Office for National Statistics. Homicide in England and Wales, year ending March 2025. 2026. ons.gov.uk
- Femicide Census. Annual reports and data, 2009–2026. femicidecensus.org
- End Violence Against Women Coalition. Government’s landmark VAWG strategy published. 18 December 2025. endviolenceagainstwomen.org.uk
- End Violence Against Women Coalition. Nearly 8 in 10 women think government should do more to tackle VAWG. March 2025. endviolenceagainstwomen.org.uk
- National Audit Office. Tackling Violence Against Women and Girls. January 2025. nao.org.uk
- House of Commons Library. Violence against women and girls in 2025. commonslibrary.parliament.uk
- House of Lords Library. Tackling violence against women and girls in the UK. 2023. lordslibrary.parliament.uk
- HM Government. Tackling Violence Against Women and Girls Strategy. July 2021. gov.uk
- Welsh Government. Violence against women, domestic abuse and sexual violence: strategy 2022 to 2026. gov.wales
- Welsh Government. VAWDASV national advisers’ annual plan 2026 to 2027. gov.wales
- Scottish Government / COSLA. Equally Safe strategy (2023 refresh). gov.scot
- Mayor of London / MOPAC. Violence Against Women and Girls Strategy (2018–2021; 2022–2025; 2025–2029 consultation). london.gov.uk
- Institute for Addressing Strangulation (IFAS). Femicide Census (March 2025) — IFAS Response. ifas.org.uk
- National Centre for Domestic Violence. Domestic Abuse Statistics UK. ncdv.org.uk
- European Institute for Gender Equality. Measuring femicide in the United Kingdom. 2021. eige.europa.eu
- GOV.UK. Honouring killed women in Parliament on International Women’s Day. March 2026. gov.uk
- Professor Alexis Jay. Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Exploitation in Rotherham 1997–2013. 2014. rotherham.gov.uk
- National Crime Agency. Operation Stovewood. Ongoing, updated February 2026. nationalcrimeagency.gov.uk
- Baroness Louise Casey. National Audit on Group-Based Child Sexual Exploitation and Abuse. June 2025. gov.uk
- House of Commons Library. The Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs. June 2026. commonslibrary.parliament.uk
- Home Office. Independent Inquiry into Grooming Gangs: terms of reference. 31 March 2026. gov.uk
- National Crime Agency / National Police Chiefs’ Council. Operation Beaconport updates. 2025–2026. nationalcrimeagency.gov.uk; rapecrisis.org.uk
This page is part of RYB’s UK country data series. See also: Culture Women’s Day UK · Gender Gap UK · Women, Culture and Peace Framework