Women’s Right to Vote in Japan
Women’s Day Japan / December 17, 1945

Women’s Right to Vote in Japan, Women's Suffrage

Introduction

Women’s suffrage in Japan represents a significant milestone in the nation’s democratic development, arriving after decades of feminist activism and ultimately implemented during the post-World War II Allied occupation. On December 17, 1945, the Japanese Diet (parliament) passed the Election Law revisions that granted women full suffrage rights for the first time in the nation’s history. This law enabled women to vote in the first post-war general election held on April 10, 1946—the first instance of women exercising their newly won voting rights. The story of how Japanese women achieved this fundamental political right encompasses a long struggle against traditional gender roles, the influence of international suffrage movements, wartime social changes, and ultimately, the democratizing reforms of the post-war American occupation. Understanding this history provides important insights into Japan’s democratic transition and the evolution of gender equality in Japanese society.

Pre-Modern Japan and Women’s Status

To appreciate the significance of women’s suffrage in Japan, it is essential to understand the historical context of women’s social and political status prior to modernization:

Feudal and Edo Period (pre-1868)

In pre-modern Japan, women’s roles and rights varied across social classes and historical periods:

  • During the Heian period (794-1185), aristocratic women enjoyed certain cultural freedoms and some women held significant influence in court society
  • The ascendance of the samurai class and the spread of Neo-Confucian philosophy gradually restricted women’s roles
  • By the Edo period (1603-1868), the hierarchical family system (ie) institutionalized male dominance in family affairs
  • The Confucian concept of “Three Obediences” (to father, husband, and son) shaped gender norms
  • Women of merchant families sometimes wielded economic influence despite formal subordination
  • Education for women emphasized moral training for their roles as wives and mothers

Political participation in any modern democratic sense did not exist for anyone—male or female—during this period, as Japan was ruled by the Tokugawa shogunate and regional daimyo lords.

Meiji Period (1868-1912): Modernization Without Women’s Rights

The Meiji Restoration of 1868 began Japan’s rapid modernization, but initial reforms did not extend political rights to women:

Limited Political Participation

When Japan established its first parliament (Diet) in 1890:

  • The Meiji Constitution of 1889 explicitly prohibited women from joining political organizations or attending political meetings
  • The first election law of 1889 restricted voting rights to male taxpayers meeting specific property qualifications
  • Only about 1% of the population (all male) could vote in early Meiji elections
  • The Civil Code of 1898 legally reinforced women’s subordinate status within the family

The Beginnings of Feminist Consciousness

Despite these restrictions, the seeds of Japanese feminism were planted during this period:

  • Women’s education expanded, with the first women’s higher education institution established in 1872
  • Early Japanese feminists like Kishida Toshiko (1863-1901) began advocating for women’s rights
  • The freedom and popular rights movement (jiyū minken undō) included some discussions of women’s status
  • Exposure to Western ideas introduced Japanese intellectuals to concepts of gender equality
  • Female Christian converts often played pioneering roles in early advocacy for women’s rights

However, these early stirrings of feminist consciousness faced significant opposition from the government, which viewed women’s political participation as contrary to traditional family values and potentially destabilizing to the social order.

Taishō Democracy Period (1912-1926): Emergence of Women’s Suffrage Movement

The more liberal political climate of the Taishō period allowed for the emergence of an organized women’s movement:

The New Woman (Atarashii Onna)

The concept of the “New Woman” emerged in Japan’s intellectual discourse:

  • Literary magazines like Seitō (Bluestocking), founded in 1911 by Hiratsuka Raichō, provided forums for feminist expression
  • Female intellectuals began challenging traditional gender norms and advocating for women’s rights
  • Writers like Yosano Akiko articulated new visions of womanhood outside traditional constraints

Early Suffrage Organizations

Formal organizations advocating specifically for women’s political rights emerged during this period:

  • The Women’s Suffrage League (Fujin Sanseiken Kakutoku Dōmei) was established in 1924 by prominent feminists including Ichikawa Fusae and Hiratsuka Raichō
  • The League adopted the suffragist tactics of petition, lobbying, and public education
  • Their initial goal was to revise the 1900 Public Peace Police Law that prohibited women’s political participation
  • Early suffragists maintained connections with international women’s movements, particularly in the United States and United Kingdom

Limited Gains

The movement achieved some limited successes during this period:

  • In 1922, the Article 5 of the Public Peace Police Law was revised, allowing women to attend political meetings and join political organizations
  • Women gained increased access to higher education
  • Women’s organizations proliferated, addressing issues from labor conditions to peace activism

However, multiple attempts to pass women’s suffrage bills in the Diet failed, with the House of Peers (upper house) consistently blocking such measures even when they passed the lower house.

Early Shōwa Period (1926-1945): Setbacks and Wartime

The rise of militarism and ultranationalism in the 1930s severely constrained the women’s movement:

Nationalist Co-option of Women’s Organizations

The government increasingly viewed women’s organizations through the lens of national mobilization:

  • Many women’s groups were absorbed into government-sponsored patriotic women’s associations
  • The Greater Japan Women’s Association (Dai Nippon Fujinkai) consolidated many women’s organizations under state control by 1942
  • Women were celebrated primarily as “good wives and wise mothers” (ryōsai kenbo) who would raise sons for the empire
  • Suffrage activism became increasingly difficult under wartime political repression

Leading Suffragists During Wartime

Key figures in the suffrage movement faced difficult choices during the militarist period:

  • Some, like Ichikawa Fusae, suspended their suffrage activities in favor of war-related volunteer work
  • Others attempted to work within the system to advance women’s interests while supporting the war effort
  • A few maintained private opposition to militarism despite public compliance
  • Some feminists faced government surveillance and pressure

Changing Gender Roles During Wartime

Despite political repression, the war ironically created circumstances that would later facilitate women’s rights:

  • Women entered the workforce in unprecedented numbers as men were drafted
  • Women took on new responsibilities in agriculture, industry, and community leadership
  • The experience of wartime self-reliance created new social expectations among women
  • Government rhetoric about equality in sacrifice created openings for post-war demands for equal rights

Post-World War II Occupation and Women’s Suffrage

The defeat of Japan in World War II and subsequent Allied occupation created the conditions for women’s enfranchisement:

SCAP Reforms and the New Constitution

Under the Supreme Commander for Allied Powers (SCAP), led by General Douglas MacArthur, democratization became a central objective:

  • In October 1945, MacArthur directed the Japanese government to enact reforms including women’s suffrage
  • On December 17, 1945, the Diet passed revisions to the Election Law granting women full voting rights
  • The minimum voting age was set at 20 for both men and women
  • The new law also allowed women to run for public office

The date December 17, 1945, thus marks the official establishment of women’s suffrage in Japan, though women would not actually cast votes until the following year.

The First Election with Women’s Participation

On April 10, 1946, Japanese women voted for the first time in the general election for the House of Representatives:

  • Approximately 13.8 million women voted, representing about 67% of eligible female voters
  • 39 women were elected to the Diet, constituting 8.4% of the new legislature
  • These pioneer female politicians included former suffrage activists and women from diverse backgrounds

The Constitution of 1947

The new Japanese Constitution, promulgated on November 3, 1946, and implemented on May 3, 1947, enshrined gender equality:

  • Article 14 explicitly prohibited discrimination based on sex
  • Article 24 established equal rights in marriage and family life
  • Article 44 guaranteed that there would be no discrimination in the qualifications of Diet members
  • These constitutional provisions secured women’s political rights on a permanent basis

This constitutional foundation for gender equality represented a dramatic break from pre-war legal and social norms.

Key Figures in Japanese Women’s Suffrage

Several pioneering women and organizations were instrumental in the long struggle for women’s voting rights:

Ichikawa Fusae (1893-1981)

Often called “Japan’s Susan B. Anthony,” Ichikawa was the most prominent leader of the suffrage movement:

  • Co-founded the New Women’s Association (Shin Fujin Kyōkai) in 1919 with Hiratsuka Raichō
  • Established the Women’s Suffrage League in 1924
  • Studied suffrage movements in the United States (1921-1924)
  • Advocated for a moderate, pragmatic approach to women’s rights
  • After winning the right to vote, she was elected to the Diet in 1952 and served for many years
  • Continued advocating for women’s rights throughout her long career

Hiratsuka Raichō (1886-1971)

A foundational figure in Japanese feminism:

  • Founded the feminist literary magazine Seitō (Bluestocking) in 1911
  • Famous for her declaration: “In the beginning, woman was the sun”
  • Co-founded the New Women’s Association with Ichikawa in 1919
  • Used her literary talents to articulate feminist ideas
  • Advocated for both political rights and protection for mothers and children

Kaneko Shigeri (1899-1977)

A labor activist who bridged class and gender issues:

  • Organized female factory workers
  • Connected labor issues to women’s political rights
  • Became one of the first women elected to the Diet in 1946
  • Represented the Japan Socialist Party
  • Continued advocating for both workers’ and women’s rights

Kawasaki Natsu (1889-1966)

An important suffragist focused on grassroots organization:

  • Secretary-General of the Women’s Suffrage League
  • Organized numerous petition drives and public education campaigns
  • Emphasized the importance of women voters’ education after suffrage was won
  • Worked to mobilize rural women in the suffrage movement

Women’s Organizations

Several key organizations advanced the cause of women’s suffrage:

  • New Women’s Association (Shin Fujin Kyōkai, 1919-1922)
  • Women’s Suffrage League (Fujin Sanseiken Kakutoku Dōmei, 1924-1940)
  • Women’s Christian Temperance Union (Nihon Kirisutokyō Fujin Kyōfūkai), which supported suffrage alongside other reforms
  • League for Women’s Political Education (Fujin Sansei Kyōiku Kai), focused on educating new female voters

The Complex Legacy of Japanese Women’s Suffrage

The achievement of women’s suffrage in 1945 had mixed origins and complex implications:

Top-Down Reform vs. Grassroots Movement

Japanese women’s suffrage came through a combination of factors:

  • Decades of indigenous feminist activism laid important groundwork
  • The immediate catalyst was an American occupation directive
  • This mixed heritage has sometimes complicated historical narratives
  • While occupation authorities mandated the reform, Japanese feminists had long advocated for it
  • The pre-war suffrage movement quickly reorganized to help implement the new voting rights

Women in Post-War Politics

The initial surge of women in politics was not sustained:

  • Women’s representation in the Diet declined after the first election, dropping to 15 women (3.2%) by 1952
  • The percentage of women in the Diet remained below 10% for most of the post-war period
  • At the local level, women’s representation increased more steadily but remained modest
  • The first female cabinet minister was not appointed until 1960 (Nakayama Masa as Minister of Health and Welfare)
  • Japan did not see its first female party leader in the Diet until 1986 (Doi Takako of the Japan Socialist Party)

Women as Voters

Women’s voting patterns have been an important factor in post-war Japanese politics:

  • Women’s turnout rates have consistently equaled or exceeded men’s
  • Political parties have increasingly targeted specific appeals to women voters
  • The “women’s vote” has been credited with influencing policy on issues from consumer protection to peace initiatives
  • Conservative parties have often successfully appealed to women voters, particularly homemakers

Broader Women’s Rights After Suffrage

Voting rights were just one element in the broader struggle for gender equality:

  • Labor law reforms in 1947 established equal pay principles and protections for female workers
  • Educational reforms opened all levels of education to women on an equal basis
  • Family law reforms eliminated the patriarchal “household system” (ie)
  • Women’s rights organizations shifted focus to issues like reproductive rights, workplace discrimination, and political representation

Post-War Developments in Women’s Political Participation

In the decades following the achievement of suffrage, women’s political participation in Japan evolved through several distinct phases:

1950s-1960s: Conservative Consolidation

As Japan focused on economic recovery:

  • Women’s issues often took a back seat to economic growth policies
  • The dominant Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) promoted traditional family values
  • Women voters often supported conservative candidates despite limited attention to gender equality
  • Women’s organizations continued advocacy but with reduced public visibility

1970s-1980s: Feminist Resurgence

A new wave of feminist activism emerged:

  • Influenced by international feminism, new women’s liberation (ūman ribu) groups formed
  • Women increasingly challenged workplace discrimination
  • The Equal Employment Opportunity Law was passed in 1985, though with limited enforcement mechanisms
  • Women began to gain ground in local politics
  • Doi Takako became the first female leader of a major political party in 1986

1990s-2000s: Gradual Progress

As Japan grappled with economic stagnation and demographic challenges:

  • Gender equality was increasingly framed as an economic necessity
  • The Basic Law for a Gender-Equal Society was enacted in 1999
  • Women’s representation in politics increased incrementally
  • More women achieved cabinet positions and party leadership roles
  • Work-family balance emerged as a major political issue

Recent Developments

In contemporary Japan, women’s political participation remains a work in progress:

  • In 2020, women constituted only about 10% of the Lower House, one of the lowest rates among developed democracies
  • The Act on Promotion of Gender Equality in the Political Field was passed in 2018, encouraging parties to field equal numbers of male and female candidates
  • The first female governor of Tokyo, Koike Yuriko, was elected in 2016
  • Prime Minister Shinzo Abe promoted “womenomics” as an economic strategy, though with mixed results
  • Grassroots women’s political schools have emerged to train female candidates

Commemoration and Memory of Women’s Suffrage

The achievement of women’s suffrage on December 17, 1945, is commemorated in various ways in Japan:

Official Recognition

The anniversary is recognized, though with less prominence than in some other countries:

Museums and Memorials

Several institutions preserve this history:

  • The Ichikawa Fusae Memorial Association maintains an archive and museum
  • The National Women’s Education Center houses historical materials on the women’s movement
  • Local women’s centers in various prefectures often include historical exhibits

Popular Memory

Public awareness of the history of women’s suffrage varies:

  • The connection to the Occupation period sometimes overshadows the indigenous suffrage movement
  • Figures like Ichikawa Fusae remain respected, but are not as widely celebrated as feminist pioneers in some other countries
  • Recent years have seen renewed interest in women’s history, including suffrage activism

International Context of Japanese Women’s Suffrage

Japan’s adoption of women’s suffrage in 1945 placed it in a middle position globally:

Earlier Adopters

Contemporary and Later Adopters

  • France granted women suffrage in 1944, shortly before Japan
  • Italy extended suffrage to women in 1945, the same year as Japan
  • Several Asian countries established women’s suffrage around the same period:
      • China (1947, though with limited implementation)
      • South Korea (1948)
      • India (1950)
  • Switzerland did not establish women’s suffrage until 1971
  • Some Middle Eastern and African countries adopted women’s suffrage decades later

This international context places Japan’s enfranchisement of women as part of a global democratization wave following World War II.

Women’s Suffrage in Relation to Japan’s Democratic Development

The establishment of women’s voting rights represents a significant element in Japan’s democratic evolution:

Democratic Reforms of the Occupation

Women’s suffrage was part of a package of democratic reforms:

  • Universal adult suffrage (for both men and women)
  • Land reform breaking up large estates
  • Labor reforms establishing union rights
  • Educational reforms promoting democratic values
  • Constitutional guarantees of fundamental rights

These interconnected reforms aimed to create a more egalitarian and democratic society.

From Subject to Citizen

For Japanese women, gaining the vote represented a profound shift in political identity:

  • From being subjects of the emperor to citizens of a democracy
  • From being defined primarily by family roles to being recognized as individual rights-holders
  • From being excluded from politics to being formally included in the democratic process

This transformation, while incomplete in many ways, marked a fundamental break with pre-war political structures.

Impact on Political Culture

Women’s participation gradually influenced Japanese political culture:

  • Issues like consumer protection, environmental quality, and peace became more prominent
  • Political parties developed more comprehensive platforms on social welfare
  • Women’s perspectives increasingly informed policy debates, particularly on issues affecting families
  • The connection between domestic and political spheres was reconfigured

Ongoing Democratic Challenges

Despite the formal equality established in 1945-1947, Japan continues to face challenges in realizing full gender parity in politics:

  • Structural barriers to women’s political advancement persist
  • The political culture remains predominantly masculine in many respects
  • Work-family conflicts disproportionately affect women’s political careers
  • Gender stereotypes continue to influence voter perceptions and candidate recruitment

These ongoing challenges demonstrate that formal voting rights, while essential, are just one element in the long process of achieving gender equality in politics.

Women’s Right to Vote in Japan

The granting of women’s suffrage in Japan on December 17, 1945, followed by women’s first exercise of that right on April 10, 1946, represents a pivotal moment in Japanese history. This achievement came through a complex interplay of indigenous feminist activism spanning decades and the democratizing agenda of the post-war American occupation. The legal recognition of women’s right to vote and stand for office fundamentally transformed Japan’s political landscape, even as it built upon the foundation laid by pre-war suffragists like Ichikawa Fusae and Hiratsuka Raichō.

While women’s suffrage in Japan was formally established through occupation directives, it would be a mistake to view it solely as an imposed foreign innovation. Japanese feminists had long advocated for political rights, and they quickly mobilized to implement and protect their newly won rights in the post-war era. The constitutional entrenchment of gender equality in the 1947 Constitution further secured these gains, providing a legal foundation for ongoing advancement of women’s status in Japanese society.

The 80 years since women gained voting rights have seen gradual progress in women’s political participation, though full parity remains an unfinished goal. From the 39 women elected in that first historic 1946 election to contemporary female political leaders, Japanese women have used their political rights to influence their society, even as they continue to face structural and cultural barriers to equal representation.

The story of women’s suffrage in Japan illustrates how formal political rights represent not an endpoint but a beginning—a necessary foundation for the ongoing pursuit of substantive equality. The specific date of December 17, 1945, thus marks not just a historical milestone but a continuing challenge to realize the full promise of political equality that was legally recognized on that day. The complex legacy of women’s suffrage in Japan reminds us that democracy requires not just formal rights but ongoing vigilance and advocacy to ensure that all citizens can participate fully in the political life of their nation.

Japanese Women’s Fight for Equal Rights: Feminism and the US Occupation of Japan, 1945 – 1952

By Jessica Pena

On October 28, 1945, the New York Times ran an article titled “Out of Feudalism: Japan’s Women”, written by Lindesay Parrott. “The dawn has slowly begun to break in the Land of the Rising Sun for Japan’s most depressed class” he wrote “the patient, plodding, Japanese women.” Just fifteen days earlier, the Japanese cabinet had decided to amend the election law granting suffrage to women and lowering the voting age from 25 to 20 years. As the Times lead correspondent in the Far East, Parrot was one of the first to report on the decision. Nevertheless, despite having lived much of his life in Japan, his writing illustrated an image of Japanese women that echoes racial and gendered stereotypes contemporary to the period.

“For centuries there has been dinned into her little ears ‘obedience and modesty are essential virtues of the Japanese woman,’” he wrote. “She has had her marriage arranged for her. She has stood in train or streetcar so her husband could sit. She knows it is wrong to take a seat at the dinner table until the men have finished, and she drops back to let the males precede her through doors… Now all of a sudden, and mostly through the insistence of the allied occupation authorities, she has become a citizen of Japan, vested with the power to vote, choose her government, organize meetings… and express her thoughts without fear of the secret police, even, possibly, by an extreme stretch of the imagination, talk back to her husband.”3 In just a couple of sentences, Parrott paints a picture that would have been easily recognizable to American readers in 1945: Japanese women, docile and subservient, oppressed for centuries by Japanese feudalism, now liberated by Americans during the occupation.

The narrative of the submissive Japanese woman dominates the historiography of not just the occupation, but of Japanese feminism as a whole. However, the history of Japanese feminism has never been the story of passive victims of oppression and to characterize them asmerely secondary players is misleading. The true story of Japanese feminism is the story of the women who fought, protested, and debated, sometimes for and sometimes against the nation. It is the stories of mothers, housewives, professionals, and intellectuals who wanted to better their position within society, maintain the status quo or just have their voices heard. Still, accounts like Parrott’s that dominated the media in 1945 and 1946 raise many questions. Why did the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers (SCAP), led by General Douglas MacArthur, choose to grant universal suffrage and extend the rights of Japanese women? Did Japanese women have a role in the changes that occurred during the Occupation? How did Japanese women respond to these changes and most importantly how did their voices get lost within the greater discourse?
› academicworks.cuny.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1569&context=cc_etds_theses

Women and Politics in Japan

Japan ranks top of the world on gender parity in educational achievement. In politics the country is almost rock bottom. Japanese women hold just 10 percent of parliamentary seats. There are laws to change that at all levels — but no penalties… little progress. Hence the debate about a strict quota. In the business world, Japan’s prime minister has ordered the government to start increasing the number of female executives in big companies to 30 percent or more by 2030.

Facts and figures

Leadership and political participation – [UN Women]
IPU-UN Women in politics map – [IPU]